Carta de Sigmund Freud a Chaim Koffler: Mis reticencias sobre el sionismo

Esta carta de Sigmund Freud, del 26 de febrero de 1930, está dirigida a Chaim Koffler, miembro de la Fundación para la Reinstalación de los Judíos en Palestina (Keren Hayesod). Traducida del alemán al francés por Jacques Le Rider, fue publicada por la revista “Cliniques méditérranéennes” (n° 70, Erès, 2004).

-->Viena, 26 de febrero de 1930 

Señor Doctor, 

            No puedo hacer lo que usted desea. Mi reticencia a interesar al público en mi persona es insalvable y creo que las circunstancias críticas actuales no me incitan para nada a hacerlo. Quien quiera influenciar a la mayoría debe tener algo arrollador y entusiasta para decir, y eso, mi opinión reservada sobre el sionismo no lo permite. Sin dudas tengo los mejores sentimientos de simpatía para esfuerzos libremente consentidos, estoy orgulloso de nuestra universidad de Jerusalén y me alegro por la prosperidad de los establecimientos de nuestros colonos. Pero, por otro lado, no creo que Palestina pueda algún día ser un Estado judío ni que tanto el mundo

 cristiano como el mundo islámico puedan un día estar dispuestos a confiar sus lugares santos al cuidado de los judíos. Me hubiera parecido más prudente fundar una patria judía en un suelo históricamente no cargado; en efecto, sé que, para un propósito tan racional, nunca se hubiera podido suscitar la exaltación de las masas ni la cooperación de los ricos. Concedo también, con pesar, que el fanatismo poco realista de nuestros compatriotas tiene su parte de responsabilidad en el despertar del recelo de los árabes. No puedo sentir la menor simpatía por una piedad mal interpretada que hace de un trozo de muro de Herodes una reliquia nacional y, a causa de ella, desafía los sentimientos de los habitantes de la región.

          Juzgue usted mismo si, con un punto de vista tan crítico, soy la persona que hace falta para cumplir el rol de consolador de un pueblo quebrantado por una esperanza injustificada.

                                                                                        

Freud

¿Dijo usted "antisemitismo"?

http://horizontal.mx/dijo-usted-antisemitismo/

¿Dijo usted "antisemitismo"?

Silvana Rabinovich - ensayo

Como es sabido, en las discusiones políticas el recurso ad hominem está a la orden del día. Cuando se trata de discutir específicamente sobre la ocupación de Palestina por parte de Israel, hay un comodín que resulta bastante eficaz: el “antisemitismo”. Todo aquel que critique las acciones del gobierno israelí en turno será descalificado inmediatamente como “antisemita” (con la salvedad de que si quien profiere dichas críticas es judío, será catalogado como un “caso de auto-odio”). Quisiera detenerme en ambas descalificaciones para contribuir modestamente a una discusión algo más honesta, crítica y responsable sobre un tema que nos atañe también aquí, porque la tierra de Palestina/Israel funciona como una caja de resonancia de la violencia planetaria. Lejos de la pretensión de negar que exista ese flagelo llamado “antisemitismo”, considero necesario revisar las razones por las cuales se abusa de ese nombre hasta llegar a vaciarlo de sentido e incluso violentarlo para hacer que traicione su significación usándolo como arma preventiva-disuasiva.

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¿Antisemitismo?

La etimología del término nos conduce a la Biblia hebrea y sus usos con fines políticos. En la primera generación post-diluviana se menciona a tres hijos de Noé: Sem, Cam y Jafet. La tradición señala que del linaje de Sem proviene el patriarca Abraham/Ibrahim y, por lo tanto, los pueblos hebreo y árabe. A Cam se le presenta como padre de los canaanitas, es decir, los pueblos originarios de la “tierra prometida”. En cuanto a Jafet, se le considera el origen de los pueblos europeos. Según el relato del Génesis, Cam cometió un acto impúdico con su padre y en consecuencia este lo maldijo. En cambio, por haber socorrido a su padre frente a la impudicia, Sem y Jafet fueron bendecidos: el dios de Sem será exaltado (más adelante esa deidad ordenará el sojuzgamiento y la expulsión de los pueblos canaaneos) y Jafet será “ensanchado”; mientras tanto, Cam purgará su condena como siervo de ambos.

En esos breves versículos bíblicos (que se encuentran en el umbral del pasaje de la Torre de Babel) repican los tambores de una marcha geopolítica: Jafet (Europa) vive en las tiendas de Sem (los descendientes de Isaac e Ismael, hijos de Abraham/Ibrahim) y ambos esclavizan a Cam. En el siglo XIX, autores como el historiador francés Ernest Renan, entre otros, anhelaban celebrar las “nupcias” de Sem y Jafet, identificando al primero con lo femenino y espiritual y al segundo con lo masculino y racional. (Sobre estos dos pedestales se erige el “orientalismo” que el ojo crítico del pensador palestino Edward Said supo detectar.) “Antisemita”, entonces, desde este punto de vista, sería aquel que está en contra del linaje de Sem, es decir, los descendientes de Isaac, como Jacob/Israel,… pero también de la estirpe de su hermano Ismael, a quien la tradición identifica como el ancestro de los pueblos árabes.

Desde la Edad Media se conoce el odio religioso a los judíos como antisemitismo, pero Hannah Arendt distingue entre ambos conceptos. Para la autora de Los orígenes del totalitarismo, el antisemitismo es una idea secular, un concepto político y social (relacionado además, entre otros, con un elemento religioso) que nace en Europa en la década de 1870. Como consecuencia de la integración de los judíos —resultado de los procesos de emancipación realizados desde el siglo XVIII y a lo largo del XIX—, se comenzó a manifestar cierto recelo por su ascenso social, que llevó a culparlos, por ejemplo, de la crisis económica de 1873 en Alemania. Desde entonces fueron sucediéndose manifestaciones políticas y sociales antisemitas hasta que dos décadas después, en Francia, el caso Dreyfus marcó un hito. Adicionalmente, a principios del siglo XX se publicaron Los protocolos de los Sabios de Sión en la Rusia zarista. Hitler se encargó de volver este libelo “razón de Estado”, reforzando su tesis antisemitas con elementos de eugenesia. Con este resumen compacto debe quedar claro que sí existió el antisemitismo (y aún existe). Sin embargo, el reduccionismo nacionalista que induce a la banalización del término, por quienes lo esgrimen fuera de contexto como contra-acusación, corre el riesgo de hacerle perder valor de verdad, ocasionando que, como reacción, un distraído o alguien malintencionado llegue a negar su existencia.

Desde la ética, el filósofo judío Emmanuel Lévinas —que conoció de cerca los horrores del hitlerismo— prefirió no restringir el antisemitismo a un sentido estrictamente nacionalista (sionista), dándole una significación universal. El autor de De otro modo que ser o más allá de la esencia considera al antisemitismo como el odio al otro ser humano (independientemente de la nación a la que pertenezca), un odio arraigado en el rechazo a su diferencia. Con esta definición abierta, “antisemitismo” es también el odio racista que campea en nuestro continente, un odio que ha mutado desde la Colonia, pero que no ha desaparecido. El giro conceptual que genera el filósofo lituano le confiere al término una significación que llega a contradecir los usos más frecuentes de este vocablo en nuestros días. Si bien Lévinas consideraba el amor al pueblo judío como un valor importante —y en su postura personal apoyaba las políticas del Estado de Israel—, su definición universal del antisemitismo tiene una proyección que excede sus propias decisiones personales. El antisemitismo en tanto odio del otro ser humano obliga —desde su planteamiento ético— a pensar que cuando los descendientes de Sem, bajo la influencia orientalista de los descendientes de Jafet, odian a otros seres humanos (también descendientes de Sem, pero a quienes se les hace purgar la condena de Cam), perpetran acciones que —estas sí— podrían ser calificadas de auto-odio: Abraham vs. Ibrahim (Sem-Israel vs. Sem-Ismael = ¿antisemita?)… En este sentido, la islamofobia es tan antisemita como la judeofobia.

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¿Auto-odio?

Como decíamos más arriba, suele ocurrir que cuando un judío critica las políticas del Estado de Israel se le acusa automáticamente de odiarse a sí mismo. El argumento es por demás de tramposo. Aun en la Biblia se registra a personajes que se opusieron a los abusos del poder en el seno de su pueblo. Los profetas son el ejemplo más notorio. En nombre de las leyes sociales y morales, estos críticos reclamaban justicia y reprendían públicamente al rey. (El filósofo Enrique Dussel escribió hace poco que a nadie se le hubiera pasado por la cabeza acusar al profeta Jeremías de antisemita o de odiarse a sí mismo… y aclaremos que si hay un crítico amoroso, que amonesta al pueblo y a sus gobernantes desde el dolor, es precisamente el profeta.) Podría objetarse que ya no es tiempo de revelaciones ni de profecías. A esto es necesario responder, sin embargo, que la sed de justicia es perenne e insaciable.

Si se acusa a alguien de odio o de auto-odio, es necesario preguntarse por la interpretación del amor que sería la contraparte de este sentimiento. Se asocia al amor con la fidelidad (término que atañe también al campo semántico de la religión… y al del nacionalismo). Pero ¿quién es fiel? El que ama. ¿Y de qué modo es fiel? A la manera de la generosidad rigurosa que reconoce en la adulación una forma de odio. La fidelidad hacia la justicia obliga a la crítica, y esta —por ser amor— se abstiene de lisonjas.

Cuando una comunidad judía en alguno de los distintos países de la diáspora cierra filas con los lineamientos de las embajadas de Israel, lineamientos que en ocasiones son moralmente inaceptables —como los relativos a las últimas masacres en Gaza o en general a la ocupación de los territorios palestinos—, aun cuando cree conducirse por amor a su pueblo, no hace más que volverse cómplice de la injusticia. Cuando llama auto-odio al amor dolido de quienes alzan su voz para detener los actos antisemitas (en el sentido universal —levinasiano— del término) perpetrados por los israelitas en contra de los ismaelitas, confunde el amor a Israel con el odio a Ismael. Entonces, alega que es cuestión de “defensa”, y con ese nombre sigue llamando a un ejército de ocupación.[1]

El lenguaje se encuentra fuera de sus cabales: en este contexto se llama fidelidad a la complicidad con la injusticia, se denomina amor a la adulación y se interpreta como odio al amor responsable. En el horizonte de esta confusión del lenguaje se encuentra un hecho histórico brutal: la destrucción de los judíos europeos (jurbn en ídish, holocausto grecolatino o shoá hebrea). Europa persiguió a sus judíos logrando aniquilar a una gran parte del pueblo. Este hecho espeluznante (monstruoso y único como cada genocidio) hoy suele usarse para justificar la palabra “defensa” en las siglas del ejército de Israel. En el discurso político israelí este capítulo atroz de la historia europea funge como estandarte… en otro continente. Dicho en términos bíblicos: hacen pagar a Sem (el pueblo palestino), al modo de la condena de Cam (los pueblos canaaneos que por mandato divino debían ser sojuzgados, expulsados y en ciertos casos, exterminados), por los crímenes de Jafet (la Europa nazi).

So pretexto de la amenaza de un renovado exterminio que pondría en peligro la existencia del Estado de Israel (amenaza cuya factibilidad el general Mati Peled desmintió hace varias décadas), cualquier crítica a la ocupación y sus violencias —y llamemos por su nombre a actos genocidas como los ataques a Gaza— se descalifica como antisemita. Pero este insulto de doble filo dejó de ser funcional: cada vez con más fuerza se le responde que el antisemitismo reside en masacrar a los otros hijos de Sem (hoy el antisemitismo es ostensiblemente arabofóbico). Entonces la acusación se viste con un nombre largo: “deslegitimación del Estado de Israel”. El lenguaje otra vez se encuentra fuera de sus cabales, confunde legitimidad con legalidad, y lo hace por un camino que hace perder al individuo en el Estado, aquel que el filósofo israelí Yeshayahu Leibowitz llamaba por el viejo nombre (europeo también) de fascismo.

- See more at: http://horizontal.mx/dijo-usted-antisemitismo/#sthash.2Ho7xuOT.dpuf

A special place in hell

You don't know me anymore, Lord. Not after Gaza

Wherever we find ourselves this Rosh Hashanah, 450 children will be sitting beside us, uninvited. They will neither squirm nor feel restless. But we will. They were alive last year, and now they are dead.

Haaretz

By Bradley Burston | Sep. 1, 2014 | 4:47 PM |  

This year, we're starting from scratch, Lord. It's almost Rosh Hashanah, and You don't know me anymore. Not after Gaza.

I thought things were bad a year ago. And the year before that. Turns out, I didn't know a thing.

More than anything, I still need to know what actually happened in the war this summer. And, despite my best instincts, I still don't really want to know.

This morning I took down the machzor, looking for some form of hope in the Rosh Hashanah service. This is what the prayer book opened to: What is read, and what is repeated, before the ram's horn is blown for the first time.

Min Hameitzar – From the narrow strip, from the terrifying, dark, claustrophobic walled-off place, from the space whose very name is My Distress ….

This year, we read aloud the name of Daniel Tragerman, beloved of his family, four years old, child of God, descendant of Abraham, killed in Kibbutz Nahal Oz. May his blessed memory be, in time, for peace.

Karati Yah – I called to You, Lord. I called You. There was no one else to call.

This year, we read aloud the name of Kamal Ahmed al-Bakri, beloved of his family, four years old, child of God, descendant of Abraham, killed in Gaza City. May his blessed memory be, in time, for peace.

Annani BaMerchav Yah – The Lord answered me, and set me free, answered me and put me in a place of openness, spaciousness, freedom.

This year, we read aloud the name of Aseel Muhammad al-Bakri, beloved of her family, four years old, child of God, descendant of Abraham, killed in Gaza City. May her blessed memory be, in time, for peace.

Koli Shamata – You've heard my voice. You heard me when I cried.

This year, we read aloud the name of Anas Ibrahim Hammad, beloved of his family, four years old, child of God, descendant of Abraham, killed in Rafiah. May his blessed memory be, in time, for peace.

Al Ta'lem Oznecha L'ravchati Lshav'ati – When I cry out, don’t just shut Your ears to my plea for relief, the sound of my breathing, my sighs, my cry for help.

This year, we read aloud the name of Khalid Suleiman al-Masri, beloved of his family, four years old, child of God, descendant of Abraham, killed in Rafah. May his blessed memory be, in time, for peace.

I don't know the truth, Lord.

I do know that all of this could have been avoided. But it wasn't. And we are all responsible.

I do know that all this could have stopped sooner, and these children left alive. But it wasn't. And they weren't. And we are all responsible.

Tuv Ta'am VaDa'at Lam'Deini, Ki BaMitzvotecha He'emanti – Teach me good judgment and knowledge, teach me to be sensible and fair and reasonable and understanding, because I was once, I have been, a believer in your commandments.

This year, we read aloud the name of Do'aa Mustafa Al Mahmoud, beloved of her family, four years old, child of God, descendant of Abraham, killed in Rafah. May her blessed memory be, in time, for peace.

Wherever we find ourselves this Rosh Hashanah, in whatever synagogue or open field or home we happen to be, an additional 450 children will be sitting beside us, uninvited. They will behave themselves. They will make not a sound. They will neither squirm nor feel restless. But we will.

They were alive last year, and now they are dead. And we are all responsible.

Nombres de los niños muertos en los 50 días de bombardeos

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/gaza/11056976/The-children-killed-in-Gaza-during-50-days-of-conflict.html?utm_content=bufferfd294&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

Israel y Hamás aceptan un alto el fuego indefinido tras 50 días de ofensiva

http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/08/26/actualidad/1409062017_189267.html

The diferencie between children

The difference between children

It is human that the killing of an Israeli boy, a child of ours, would arouse greater identification than the death of some other child. What is incomprehensible is the Israeli response to the killing of their children.

By Gideon Levy | Aug. 24, 2014 | 4:16 AM

After the first child, nobody batted an eye; after the 50th not even a slight tremor was felt in a plane’s wing; after the 100th, they stopped counting; after the 200th, they blamed Hamas. After the 300th child they blamed the parents. After the 400th child, they invented excuses; after (the first) 478 children nobody cares.

Then came our first child and Israel went into shock. And indeed, the heart weeps at the picture of 4-year-old Daniel Tregerman, killed Friday evening in his home in Sha’ar Hanegev. A beautiful child, who once had his picture taken in an Argentinean soccer team shirt, blue and white, number 10. And whose heart would not be broken at the sight of this photo, and who would not weep at how he was criminally killed. “Hey Leo Messi, look at that boy,” a Facebook post read, “you were his hero.”

Suddenly death has a face and dreamy blue eyes and light hair. A tiny body that will never grow. Suddenly the death of a little boy has meaning, suddenly it is shocking. It is human, understandable and moving. It is also human that the killing of an Israeli boy, a child of ours, would arouse greater identification than the death of some other child. What is incomprehensible is the Israeli response to the killing of their children.

In a world where there is some good, children would be left out of the cruel game called war. In a world where there is some good, it would be impossible to understand the total, almost monstrous unfeelingness in the face of the killing of hundreds of children – not ours, but by us. Imagine them standing in a row: 478 children, in a graduating class of death. Imagine them wearing Messi shirts – some of those children wore them once too, before they died; they also admired him, just like our Daniel from a kibbutz. But nobody looks at them; their faces are not seen, no one is shocked at their deaths. No one writes about them: “Hey Messi, look at that boy.” Hey, Israel, look at their children.

An iron wall of denial and inhumanness protects the Israelis from the shameful work of their hands in Gaza. And indeed, these numbers are hard to digest. Of the hundreds of men killed one could say that they were “involved”; of the hundreds of women that they were “human shields.” As for a small number of children, one could claim that the most moral army in the world did not intend it. But what shall we say about almost 500 children killed? That the Israel Defense Forces did not intend it, 478 times? That Hamas hid behind all of them? That this legitimized killing them?

Hamas might have hidden behind some of those children but now Israel is hiding behind Daniel Tregerman. His fate is already being used to cover all of the sins of the IDF in Gaza.

The radio yesterday already talked about “murder.” The prime minister already called the killing “terror,” while hundreds of Gaza’s children in their new graves are not victims of murder or terror. Israel had to kill them. And after all, who are Fadi and Ali and Islaam and Razek, Mahmoud, Ahmed and Hamoudi – in the face of our one and only Daniel.

We must admit the truth: Palestinian children in Israel are considered like insects. This is a horrific statement, but there is no other way to describe the mood in Israel in the summer of 2014. When for six weeks hundreds of children are destroyed; their bodies buried in rubble, piling up on morgues, sometimes even in vegetable refrigeration rooms for lack of other space; when their horrified parents carry the bodies of their toddlers as a matter of course; their funerals coming and going, 478 times – even the most unfeeling of Israelis would not allow themselves to be so uncaring.

Something here has to rise up and scream: Enough. All the excuses and all the explanations will not help – there is no such thing as a child that is allowed to be killed and a child that is not. There are only children killed for nothing, hundreds of children whose fate touches no one in Israel, and one child, just one, around whose death the people unite in mourning.

Behind the IDF shooting of a 10-year-old boy

It's not clear why an Israeli soldier shot Khalil Anati in the Al-Fawar refugee camp. What is clear is that the shooter didn't stay around long enough to offer assistance, or to watch the boy die.

By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac | Aug. 21, 2014 | 4:04 PM

Mohammed Anati with his younger son, this week. Khalil was about to enter sixth grade. Photo by Alex Levac

The picture on the mourning poster shows the beautiful, sad face of a boy, his head wrapped in a keffiyeh, his skin sallow, his eyes wide open. In the photograph, one of two images used for the posters, the boy is already dead. Only his open eyes give the impression of life. In the other poster, the eyes are already closed for all time.
Khalil Anati was 10 years and eight months old and came from the Al-Fawar refugee camp, south of Hebron in the West Bank, when he was killed. An Israeli soldier had opened the door of his armored jeep, picked up his rifle, aimed it at the upper body of the boy, who was running with his back to the soldier, and cut him down with one bullet, fired from a distance of a few dozen meters.
It was early morning on Sunday, August 10. The street was almost empty – the idleness, the unemployment and the heat in this squalid refugee camp leave people in their beds late – and the soldiers were apparently in no danger. According to testimony, there were only another three or four young children in the street; they were throwing stones at the jeep. There were no “riots” and no mass “disturbances.”
Khalil tried to advance another few meters after the bullet lodged in his lower back, before falling to the ground in the middle of the narrow alley, its width about that of a person, that ascends to his home. Someone heard him shout, in Arabic: “The bastards shot me.” By the time he arrived at the hospital in Hebron – he had been transported in a private vehicle since the camp does not have an ambulance – he was dead from loss of blood.
The soldier who shot him quickly shut the door of the jeep and hightailed it out of the camp, together with his buddies. Mission accomplished.
The bereaved father, Mohammed, asks now with dry eyes why the soldier who killed him did not at least offer his son first aid, or summon help. “If they are human beings, that is what they should have done. Why didn’t they do that?”
We sat this week in front of the Anatis’ ramshackle home, a few meters from the scene of the crime. No other refugee camp is comparable to Al-Fawar, in terms of wretchedness and forlornness. A putrid stench wafts from the bursting garbage bins, which no one empties, and from the sewage that flows unchecked through the alleys. An Israeli who has never been here cannot begin to imagine what it’s like. It’s also a tough place, which the army rarely enters.
But on that fateful Sunday two army jeeps, one of them flying a huge Israeli flag, drove in, escorting a vehicle of Mekorot, the national water company, which had apparently come to check the pipes connecting to the camp’s wells.
Khalil was shot to death at about 9:30 in the morning. His father, a scrap peddler, was still asleep. Only the boy’s uncle, Mahmoud Anati, peering out of his window which overlooks the narrow alley, saw what was going on and spotted the jeep. He rushed to his 80-year-old father, Ahmed Anati, Khalil’s grandfather, who was at that moment on the roof of a house that is being built as part of a special United Nations Refugee Agency project, for the camp’s old people.
Mahmoud told his father to come inside, for fear of the soldiers; from experience he knows that the troops are quick to fire teargas in order to disperse the children. He hustled his aged father into the house, but is today consumed with feelings of guilt for not having done the same for his nephew.
The street, Mahmoud recalls, was quiet. Then he suddenly heard a single shot ring out and his nephew shout. He rushed into the alley. A construction worker at the site of the home for the aged had already picked up the bleeding boy and was running with him toward the main street, in order to flag down a car to take him to the hospital.
At one point, Khalil fell from the worker’s hands. He and Mahmoud picked him up and put him the car of a Bedouin man who was visiting in the camp. They shouted to people to call an ambulance, but knew that would take precious time, so they sped in the private car to Al Ahli Hospital in Hebron.
As the car left the camp, Khalil stopped moving, and by the time they reached the hospital, he was no longer breathing. Mahmoud tried to staunch the bleeding with his hands. The boy’s last words to his uncle were, “Don’t be afraid.”
The uncle had hoped there would be soldiers at the pillbox – the guard tower at the edge of the camp – who could summon aid, but it was deserted. He remembered that a few days earlier, there had been a road accident nearby in which Israelis were involved, and the army had called in a helicopter to evacuate them.
As the uncle recalls the events of that day, the father sits by his side, silently. Mohammed goes to the cemetery every day now, to visit his son.
Musa Abu Hashhash, a veteran field worker for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, arrived at Al Ahli at about 10:30 A.M. the day the boy was killed, and saw his body in the hospital morgue. Abu Hashhash, who has already seen a great deal in his work, was especially shocked by this incident. He published an article about it on the website of the Palestinian news agency Ma’an under the headline, “The Coward,” referring to the soldier who killed the boy and fled.
Immediately after the event, the Israel Defense Forces’ Spokesperson’s Unit published a statement on its website, stating (in a rare instance) that the IDF “regrets” the boy’s death.
The spokesperson’s unit also provided the following response to an inquiry from Haaretz: “During routine activity by IDF forces, which were providing security for work being carried out by the water authority in the vicinity of Al-Fawar, violent disturbances erupted, during which the force opened fire. The IDF regrets the death of the Palestinian minor who was killed in said incident. In accordance with standard policy, the Military Police’s investigatory unit has launched an inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the incident. At the conclusion of the inquiry, the findings will be passed on to the Military Advocate General’s office for examination and for decisions on any further action.”
During our visit, we saw a few children were playing in the local “community center” – a shabby, tattered room in the heart of the camp, with three old computers and a tabletop soccer game – its walls covered with pictures of their deceased friend, Khalil. Yakub Nasser entered the room in his electric wheelchair. Now 19, he too was shot here by soldiers, in 2009, when he was 14. Since then his legs have been paralyzed and he’s been confined to a wheelchair.
As for Khalil, he was supposed to have attended a local day camp during the final days of the summer vacation, and was also getting ready to enter the sixth grade. He had been accompanying his father as he sold used clothing and old television sets; he buys them from a dealer in nearby Halhoul and offers them for sale to the camp’s residents.
Two days before his death, neighbors had collected donations for residents of the Gaza Strip. Khalil stole a blanket from home and brought it to the local mosque as his contribution to his brethren in Strip.

Guía de un judío que "se autoodia" para responder a los sionistas

http://mg.co.za/article/2014-07-30-a-self-hating-jews-guide-to-answering-zionist-talking-points

Casi 200 niños muertos en Gaza

http://dci-palestine.org/documents/july-28-update-child-death-toll-gaza-approaches-200-and-rising

Video: Nurti Peled en el Tribunal Russell

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fwiCtCm0r4E#t=215

Video: llamado de artistas, activistas y celebridades a la libertad palestina

http://mondoweiss.net/2014/07/celebrities-palestinian-gazanames.html

Video: "Gaza: ¿es una guerra contra los niños?"

http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/18670/video_gaza-is-this-a-war-on-children

Judíos a favor del derecho al retorno de los palestinos

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/linda-milazzo/jews-say-end-the-war-on-g_b_5614806.html

Jews Against Genocide (JAG)

We, Jews Against Genocide, came to Yad Vashem, Israel’s memorial of the genocide committed against Jews, to honor the Palestinian children who are dying in a genocide committed by Jews.

We brought dolls to symbolise the children of Gaza, and tried to bring a glimpse of the horror that Gazan’s face, to Israel’s doorstep. We hope to show Israel, and the world, the absurd reality of using the memory of one genocide to justify another.

We invite compassionate people from across the globe to join the outcry by staging similar protests in front of Israeli embassies and consulates around the world. Please send pictures of your actions to jewagainstgenocide1948@gmail.com.

Just as we honor the people who were murdered seven decades ago in Europe because they were Jews, we are here to honor the people who are being murdered at this very moment because they are the indigenous people of this land who are not Jews.

The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines Genocide as, “any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; [...]“

The children of Gaza, who are being systematically murdered as we write this article, constitute 52% percent of the population under siege in the strip. The vast majority of these children are descendants of refugees from historical Palestine.

In the current round of atrocities committed by the Israel occupation army, so far dozens of children have been murdered in their homes, with Israel’s war-making leadership vowing “much higher costs” on the Palestinian side as the bombing and shelling continues.

The war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Gaza today are the latest stage of an ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing and genocide against the indigenous people of this land.

The Jewish State was founded on the Zionist principle of “maximum Jews on maximum land, and minimum Arabs on minimum land”, which was made reality through sixty-six years of continued assault against Palestinians, denying them the right to live freely and peacefully in their historical homeland.

The Israeli regime has turned the beautiful Gaza strip into a densely populated ghetto, with unsafe water, untreated sewage, and insufficient resources and electricity. This ghetto has become a concentration camp, through repeated Israeli massacres in what the Goldstone Report described as an effort to, “humiliate and terrorize a civilian population, radically diminish[ing] its local economic capacity.”

We express our support and solidarity for the Palestinian civil society’s call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against Israel, until it complies with the three basic demands of:

1. Ending its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantling the Wall

2. Recognizing the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and

3. Respecting, protecting and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in UN resolution 194.

Never Again for Anyone - End Israel's Genocide of Palestinians

Jews Against Genocide (JAG)

Resources:

United Nations, preventing Genocide:http://www.un.org/en/preventgenocide/adviser/genocide_prevention.shtml

Palestinian civil society call for BDS: http://www.bdsmovement.net/call

United Nations, human rights in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories:http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/12session/A-HRC-12-48.pdf

viernes sangriento en Gaza

http://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/bloody-friday-12-children-among-dozens-killed-israels-merciless-slaughter

Lowest deeds from loftiest heights Israel’s 'heroic' pilots push buttons and joysticks, battling the weakest and most helpless of people.
By Gideon Levy | Jul. 15, 2014 | 1:21 AM | 1

 They are the most articulate, polished, brilliant and educated of soldiers. They study at the best universities during the course of their military service, come from the best homes, the most highly regarded high schools. For years they are trained for their job, in electronics and avionics, strategy and tactics, and of course flying. They are the very finest of Israeli youth, destined for greatness. They really are the very best, ‘bro: They are the ones who become pilots, the best pilots, and they are now perpetrating the worst, the cruelest, the most despicable deeds.

 They sit in the cockpit and push buttons and joysticks. It’s a war game. They determine life and death, from their lofty place in the sky they see only black dots running around in panic, fleeing for their lives, but also some who wave their hands in terrible fear from the roofs. The black arrow points at the target, and already a mushroom of black smoke rises – poof, a slight tremor in the wing, as the saying goes; a “good” hit, and they’re already embarking on the next sortie.

 They have never seen an enemy plane coming toward them – the last aerial battle of the Israel Air Force took place before most of them were born. They never saw the whites of the eyes and the red blood of their victims from up close. They are heroes who are battling the weakest, most helpless people who have no air force and no aerial defense, barely even a kite.

And they are considered heroes par excellence, the real he-men, who will go far in civilian life. They will marry the best girls, live in a nice communal settlement, become El Al captains, ‘techies or businessmen, vote for Yair Lapid and Meretz, and raise their children to be upright citizens.

And they will forget what they did during their military service. Forget? They never really knew. From the F-16 you can’t see very much. They are not Border Policemen who chase children in the alleyways, beat and abuse them. They aren’t members of the Golani Brigade who invade homes in the middle of the night, in search and kidnap operations. Nor are they soldiers from the Kfir Brigade who stand at the checkpoints. Nor members of the undercover Duvdevan unit or the Duchifat battalion. Nor do they use foul language or humiliate others. Their language is clean. They are the pilots. His Majesty’s pilots, in the most moral army in the world.

As of this writing, they have already killed almost 200 people and wounded approximately 1,000, most of them civilians.

Two nights ago they killed the 18 members of the Al-Batash family. The “target” was Gaza police chief Taysir al-Batash, and the result was 21 dead, including 18 members of his family, among them six children and four women. A family, wiped out.

I would like to meet the pilot or the operator of the drone who pushed the death button. How do you sleep at night, pilot? Did you see the pictures of the death and destruction you sowed – on television, and not just in the crosshairs? Did you see the crushed bodies, the bleeding wounded, the frightened children, the horrified women and the terrible destruction you sowed from your sophisticated plane? It’s all your doing, you excellent young man.

Yes, the fault is not (only) the pilots’. They obey orders. One former IAF commander, Maj. Gen. Ran Goren, said on Shabbat that they are moral. The most moral. But are they really such robots? Do they understand what they are doing? Do they even know? After all, it’s harder to brainwash them with hatred and fear, it’s harder to convince them that all Gazans are animals. And yet they obey orders with bloodcurdling automatism and blindness, push the right button at the right time – those of you who are known for your accuracy.

Do they really all believe that they are serving the country and its security needs, by means of the 1,000 sorties and the 1,000 tons of bombs that they have already dropped on top of the unfortunate Gaza Strip?

As far as we know, not one of them has “arisen” as of yet. In 2003, 27 of their colleagues did something far more courageous than completing all their “battle” sorties: They wrote a letter of refusal to carry out operations that might endanger civilians in the territories. But not this time. There isn’t a single person like Yonatan Shapira or Iftach Spector (two of the signatories back then), who will get up and ask: Is this the way? There isn’t a single person who will salvage their honor. Not a single one who will refuse to take part in this death squadron. Not a single one.

Would you want to live in the new Israel that is beckoning? It will not tolerate any opinion that is different; the people will speak in unison, like a choir; the media will declaim statements dictated by the government. By Gideon Levy | Jul. 17, 2014 | 2:57 AM | 7 If everything was to be in their own image, and if the state was to look the way they want it to, it is very doubtful that they would want to live there. I write “they” because I do not know how to define them; it has not been limited to the moderate and radical right for some time. Nor has it been only the center and the center-left. Nor just the national anthem. It’s almost everyone now. An evil spirit has wrapped itself around everyone, and it is the true zeitgeist of Israel in 2014. If, as looks likely, it takes complete control, they will not want to live in this new Israel of theirs either, which they created with their own hands. The new State of Israel will no longer tolerate any opinion that is different, any alternative idea. Subversive ideas are out of the question; even asking questions that few people ask will be utterly prohibited. The people will speak in unison, like in a chorus, as uniform as the Red Army Choir. The media, too, will speak in one voice, declaimed right out of the statements dictated to it by government and army spokesmen. None of this is a dream. The nightmare is already here. “Quiet — we’re shooting” during times of war and also during times of calm. Criticism will be confined to clearly limited subjects: classroom size and the price of cottage cheese may be criticized,; so can tycoons and the coffee prices at Ben-Gurion airport. The theater and cinema may be criticized too, all within the bounds of good taste, of course. Exposes about mayors and singers who cheated on their taxes and politicians who fired their maids are allowed, but not a word about war crimes. The fighting press will fight against road accidents, but never, of course, against the rules of engagement. Writing about crime families is fine, but writing about the crimes of the occupation and the settlements is off-limits. The weather forecast will not be subject to censorship at all. In times of war, the situation is different, of course. When the cannons roar, we may not even let out a peep. We may criticize the army and the defense establishment, but only from one direction: Why didn’t they let the army win? Let it “do its job,” beat the hell out of them, bombard them, crush them even more, conquer even more, cut off the electricity, tighten the siege and ramp up the killing, pain and devastation as much as possible; to exalt the might of the troops, to praise the daring of the pilots. To bring the Arabs back to the Stone Age and Gaza to the Middle Ages. That is allowed. The most moral thing on earth — as much as possible; doubting it is forbidden. One may also cry victim without limit. Ignorance will be crowned as a national goal. Haaretz will be outlawed. Describing the suffering of the other side will be prohibited in the new Israel. At most, Rorschach pictures from the cockpit, with no faces and with no blood, will be allowed. Hinting that the other side may be in the right will be punished with imprisonment; identifying with its pain will be treason, with its proper sentence. Until the death penalty is instituted — it is on its way — life imprisonment and maybe stoning in the city square, as the majority wishes. The majority also wishes to conquer Gaza, bomb Iran, piss on international law, throw out the Arab members of Knesset, all the Arabs of Israel, all the left-wingers. That is how it will be, as it wishes. The new Israel will not shrink from any of it. It will also become even more religious as a state run according to Jewish law: We already have signs of a holy war in God’s name in Gaza. Homosexuality will continue to be permitted — it is good for tourism, but “homo” will become an official curse word. The new justice system will finally be honest with itself: One law for Jews and another for Arabs will be in the law books, not just in court. The new Israel will become a pariah throughout the world. The last convoys of support, which arrived thanks to the voice of resistance still being heard from it, will vanish utterly. That’s nothing for us: America is in our pocket, and even if it is not, that is no big deal. Israel will become a Jewish state under siege, completely Jewish. Without Arabs, without leftists, without a press, without criticism. And now, answer honestly: Would you want to live there? It is almost here already.

AIC: Targeting Palestinian children as a conduit to ceasefire

http://www.alternativenews.org/english/index.php/features/human-rights/8300-targeting-palestinian-children-as-a-conduit-to-ceasefire

Gideon Levy: Would you want to live in the new Israel that is beckoning?

Gracias a Jessica Bekerman por el envío.
http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.605528#.U8dh7xaPJJE.gmail